The Tories are already sitting on the green Opposition benches, judging by how they speak to the media, parliament and even to themselves. The airwaves are filled not with ministersâ on-message soliloquies to Conservative policy success, focused attacks on Labour weaknesses and tomorrowâs ambitions, but confused lamentations on institutional failures of the state, and frictional socio-cultural politics that appeals to an ever-shrinking base. Like 2023âs eponymous Barbie, Rishi Sunakâs Conservatives seem to be asking 'What Was I Made For?â
The party is convulsing under a chronic identity crisis. It campaigns for low taxes, while governing under the highest tax burden since the Second World War. Itâs not pursuing any realistic policy to build more houses, and is even implementing the opposite, while saying we need to build more houses, while also saying that we shouldnât.
The party campaigns against the nanny state and for personal freedoms, while seeking to terminate end-to-end encryption to listen in on your private conversations, risking Apple and Meta leaving the UK market. Itâs a pro-business party, but Britain hasnât seen productivity or income growth in nearly two decades, and businesses are more interested in courting the Labour Party, which is actively listening to them, not lecturing and hectoring.
The party is pro-HS2, but also against it. Itâs the cause of the projectâs high costs per mile with its restrictive planning policies, but itâs also against it costing so much, but itâs also for the project if itâs scaled back â in the process reducing its utility while adding to redesign costs for less capacity â which it then campaigns against, because the project will no longer be as useful and will cost more. It champions, introduces, and calls for the hastening of implementation of the ULEZ low-emissions policy in London, then showers London residents with anti-ULEZ leaflets in by-elections.
The party campaigns against the âwokeâ institutions that it governs and funds. Itâs tough on crime while it oversees the decline and decay of the criminal justice system. It was pro-austerity during the early David Cameron years, before loudly jettisoning the policy under Theresa May. Itâs pro-family, except childcare costs in Britain are among the highest in the OECD. Itâs rhetorically anti-immigration, but it presides over the highest legal migration figures in history, which, post-Brexit, it now has full control over1.

The party is pro-fiscal responsibility when it comes to âinflationaryâ nurse pay, but it hands out above-inflation ânon-inflationaryâ increases in the triple-locked state pension to its grey-haired votemasters. Itâs pro-nuclear power, while it lets the British nuclear industry atrophy into obscurity. Itâs pro-renewable energy, but it oversees an effective ban on onshore wind. The treasury effectively campaigns against the infrastructure spending backed by its own government. The partyâs Deputy Chairman, Lee Anderson, is not fired for openly stating government policy is failing.
Itâs all so fucking tiresome.
All this while suffering under one of the largest parliamentary majorities of the postwar era. So much power, and so little to show for it. Itâs like the curtain cord has been pulled and revealed Sunak as the Wizard of Oz, frantically pulling at golden levers and putting on a show, while achieving little for his theatrics.
It is said that the main difference between first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional voting systems is that under proportional systems, coalitions are formed as governments, after an election. Whereas under FPTP, the coalition is formed well-beforehand, in the form of big-tent, centre-left or centre-right, catch-all parties, that span varied ideological traditions, but stand a decent chance of being elected to form majority governments.
Being part of one of these big tents is the only way to achieve elected office, while disunity, famously, prevents election wins. The incentive to stand together, and march onwards as brothers in arms, is inherently strong in a non-proportional, winner-takes-all Westminster system. It encourages national conservatives to link arms with a ragtag bunch of progressive libertarians, gammons, One Nation paternalists, high-Anglican traditionalists and radical liberals. This usually works, as evidenced by the Conservative partyâs extraordinary historical record of success.
What is there to unite over right now, though? Usually, progress, growth, achievements â a strong, inspirational leader â these all paper over the yawning ideological cracks between coalition factions. The reason for this oppressive sense of opposition from within the governing party is there is nothing to unite for. Far easier to oppose the very adverse outcomes that youâve accidentally campaigned for, voted for, and implemented, than actually defend them.
But instead of moving on, the country is temporarily stuck in a marriage of convenience. We must count down the days and months until an election â solely to satisfy Sunakâs desire for a personal legacy, and to delay the Conservative Party its electoral fate, which at this point is already a foregone conclusion. The couple remain together in the marital bed, but the sheets couldnât be colder. What a waste of everyoneâs time, and Britainâs potential.
Dominic Cummings wrote recently of Sunak:
He spends his time wading through endless detail and spreadsheets on fifth order matters because itâs psychologically easier than doing the PMâs actual job which he doesnât know how to do nor wants to do.
Officials obviously prefer him to Boris or Truss. He reads the papers diligently and is neither a crook nor a cretin. But the old hands know itâs roughly the Brown failure mode: a workaholic, the PMâs office a massive bottleneck and canât sustain focus when the news shifts, the smartest MP but canât build a team or lead etc etc.
No10 is so politically lost that OFFICIALS suggest ways the PM can achieve his priorities faster and his OWN SPADS say âno too aggressiveâ. The fundamental reason for the boats failure is choices by the PMâs political team and a reluctance by Sunak to face unpleasant reality, not deep state resistance.
This is it, at least until the next parliament. Fiddling with the minutiae, and GammonFM culture war caterwauling, as Britain limbers up to enter its third decade of productivity and real income stagnation. No first-order strategy, just vibes, fifth-order tweaking, and policy announcements that wonât even come to fruition.
We all know whatâs coming at the next election. They know too, as they confirm theyâre not standing at the next election in their droves, ashamed of their own lamentable record. Itâs just a shame we have to wait for it.
Did you enjoy this post? You might enjoy this one about what Rishi Sunak stands for here (hint, it doesnât seem to be much):
Will the real Rishi Sunak please stand up?
Thereâs something almost too perfect about our (latest) new Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak. The slim cut, dark navy suits, always paired with a crisp, brilliant white shirt and suitably tasteful tie. The slicked back, regimented hair. The sunny Californian optimism, enthusiasm and speech cadence. Perhaps itâs the sheer teetotal contrast with Liz Trussâs shâŚ
For what itâs worth, this Substack is unashamedly pro-immigration.





Rishi is toast at the next General Election, hes only PM because of the coup carried out by his ex Goldman Sachs employer and associated Hedge Fund pals, they crashed the market and blamed it all on poor Liz Truss (the clowns at the IMF has now said her plan is the way forward, i agree with them for once.